As part of their argument, the
authors attack a number of other posited causes for the war, knocking them down
one by one. The alliance system, nationalism, militarism, imperialism, social
Darwinism, the supposed influence of bankers and big business, and the
unavoidable "slide into war" are all discussed and found wanting. For
example, a survey of the alliances in place in 1914 shows that they were
generally defensive in nature - one state was not required to support its ally
unless that ally were attacked. And yet, Germany came to the aid of Austria,
while Russia mobilized because of Serbia, which was not even a formal ally. The
"social" causes - nationalism, militarism, and social Darwinism - are
discounted as the authors show that there was no real mechanism for popular
opinion to influence leadership in any meaningful way, especially in the
monarchical-authoritarian countries. With respect to bankers and
industrialists, not only is their influence shown to have been minimal, in most
cases they were strongly against war, recognizing the world as a globalized, integrated
economy. I was favorably impressed by the arguments the authors use in
countering these fairly common perceptions of what led to the war.
With all of the countries, there was
this sense of "time running out" and the authors see all five great
powers as essentially going to war out of fear, rather than for conquest
(Thucydides would recognize these arguments). Germany, despite its meteoric
economic rise, was concerned with the perceived expansion and growth of Russia.
That country better understood its own weaknesses and knew they were one
revolution away from disaster. Austria knew it was dying and felt it had to act
against upstarts like Serbia before Balkan pressures destroyed the Hapsburgs.
France felt her safety was inextricably entwined with the Franco-Russian
alliance. If Russia was going to war, France must do the same to
preserve the alliance and thus ensure French security. Finally, Britain's splendid
isolation was predicated on ensuring no single power dominated Europe;
thus, Britain had to commit to protect France. Thus, basic strategic
calculations led to war, not the more commonly perceived reasons the authors
argue against.
Of note, the lesser countries discussed
- Italy, Japan, the Ottoman Empire, Bulgaria, Rumania and Greece - all joined
for territorial aggrandizement. In essence, these lesser powers were
opportunists who fought for their own benefit, some, like Italy, against their
nominal alliance partners, thus further undermining the argument for the
binding nature of treaties. The U.S. was a bit of an outlier, of course, being
pulled into war through a series of German provocations, notably unrestricted submarine
warfare and the infamous Zimmerman Telegram. However, even all of these
participants entered the war after a careful deliberation by a core group of
leaders who acted based on a careful analysis of their perceived interests.
So, overall a very interesting book
with a well defined and argued hypothesis. I may go back to read the longer
version at a later time to see the arguments more fully developed and supported
with data, but next up is a look at The War Plans of the Great Powers,
1890-1914 edited by Paul M. Kennedy.
Oh, something I should've done
before but will start now - interesting and sometimes previously unknown (by
my) anecdotes from the books I read. From Hamilton and Herwig:
- The strongest check on the hawks in Austria was Franz
Ferdinand; his death actually made war with Serbia more likely
- Japan operated warships in the Mediterranean in 1917 as
convoy escorts
- The French broke German diplomatic codes in 1911.
However, the Foreign Minister used them as a political weapon against
Prime Minister Caillaux, who then summoned the German Ambassador to Paris
and asked him to produce the originals so he could compare them to those
stolen by the French! (The term "sources and methods" was
obviously lost on the French in 1911!)
The anecdote about French does also shows just how domestic political issues trumped national security, or even drove decision-making related to it. The French had just come out from under the cloud of the infamous Dreyfus Affair. The French Officer, General Piquart, who cracked the case, had by then become Chief of Staff, dying just before WWI. In that instance intelligence on the Germans and Italians was misued in furtherance of a sordid, internal political scheme.
ReplyDeleteSimilarly, the Kaiser and his entourage were very disturbed by the rise of popular political power in Germany--by 1912, the SPD (German Socialist Party) was the single largest party in Germany. Using war as a social safety valve ranked high in German ruling circles as, they reasoned, Bismarck had used it successfully, in particular as the vehicle for German unification.
Austria was moved by similar concerns, not the least of which was the burgeoning problem of the role of the Slavs in the Empire. Franz Ferdinand had actually been a proponent of "trailism," that is elevating the Slavs to a level similar to that held by the Hungarians. As one can imagine, the Magyars took a dim view of any attempt to diminish their monoply as "most favored non-German nationality" in the Empire and more than one senior Austrian official cheered the Archduke's death.
As far as the United States goes, it was so heavily invested financially and economically in an Entente victory by 1916, that it would have been hard to imagine them not getting involved at some point. Germany, with its usual ham-fisted lack of skill, made that happen a lot sooner than it might have.
I'll probably talk a bit more about it later, but the current book I'm reading on war plans has some interesting perspectives that relate to U.S. attitudes towards the other Great Powers (mainly, we had no interest in any alliances or coalitions and really only cared about hemispheric defense -- until we gobbled up Spanish possessions across the Pacific). But you're right, unrestricted submarine warfare and the Zimmerman Telegram, not to mention heavy loans and investment, really locked us into a pro-Entente position.
ReplyDeleteI find all the French shenanigans to be entertaining. The PMs wife shoots a reporter? Way more interesting than the OJ "trial of the century!" And quite a distraction from those "Balkans troubles." Democracies really seem quite capable of getting lost in weird distractions when the world is falling apart around them -- glad that could never happen today!
The Hamilton-Herwig book does indeed do a good job at describing a more realistic (and in some cases fantastic) set of circumstances and justifications for how the various powers acted. It is also a good example of the kind of unbelievably complex interplay between statesmen, nations, and "alliances" (of the paper kind or the hand-shake kind). The more you get into the political and then military aspects of the war, the more you discover how much more complex the whole things is, out of all proportion to the over-simplified nonsense that has been the received narrative of the First World War for a long time.
DeleteThe case of the United States is particularly interesting. I know we struggled with this when coming up with the original draft of the reading list. There is so much about the decades before the war that has immediate relevance to what happened between 1914 and 1917. But trying to fit all of that in would have blown the list out beyond all hope. However, I can recommend a few books on US diplomatic history that might be of use. The war plans book probably helps get into this. The advent of the United States as an imperial power in 1898 was a shock to its system. It set in motion a swirl of national (and elite) sentiments about just what the United States' place in the world was and should be. Those debates had by no means settled by the start of the war in Europe. But as is typical of the history of the United States, the fluid debate about what the country should do about the war, why, and when was outpaced by the economic course the country had already undertaken. By 1915 JP Morgan was basically Britain's banker and supplier. The only choice the politicians (and intellectual elite) really had was when America's involvement would become directly military and not just financial.
The Spanish-American War was a game changer in so many ways. The USN's expansion to become a true blue water navy; the need to obtain coaling stations; the need to defend them--all were suddenly part of the foreign policy calculus whereas before it was just "something the Europeans did."
DeleteThen you have the Phillipine Insurrection, which provided a foretaste of what the US has ended up doing really since the Korean War (with a few notable exceptions).
I still recall one of those "history moments" when I visited the Somme battlefield in 1994. I was somewhere around Theipval, where the 36th "Ulster" Infantry Division attacked. I kicked a lump on the ground and picked it up--it was metal. Turned out it was a fuse cap for an 18 pounder shell (IIRC). The manufacturer? Bethlehem Steel Corporation.
Ironically, I just came from an NDU talk by Amb. Steven Pifer on Ukraine, Russia and Crimea. In passing, he was talking about potential shocks and said something like "who would've foreseen Pearl Harbor in 1920?" Uh, the USN sure did, nearly 20 years before even that!
ReplyDeleteFunny how we forget stuff that should be institutional knowledge. Never seems to change.
Delete